Seamus Mac Seáin speech at ‘Language, Revival and Resistance’ book launch at Féile25

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Two Gaels, who I know well, were attacked this week in our town. Máirtín Ó Muilleoir is one of them and the author of this book Feargal Mac Ionnrachtaigh is the other. Máirtín was physically attacked by a gang of ignorant extremists who were incited by bigoted politicians and Feargal was subject to verbal insults by a prominent TV personality who was present at a talk that Feargal gave as part of Féile an Phobail. The man attacked Feargal ferociously because he had the audacity to explain to the audience about the damage that colonialism in Ireland had on the culture and language of its people.

This man was furious that Feargal was telling an aspect of the marginalisation and demise of the Irish language that didn’t suit his own ‘happy clappy’ view on the language and he went on to accuse Feargal of politicising the language and using as a weapon of war. This is a man of peace who you would imagine wouldn’t say ‘boo’ to anybody, who showed another side to his personality when he came across someone presenting a view that was contrary to his own.

But who is this Feargal Mac Ionnrachtaigh who incurred the wrath of the TV personality? A republican in his outlook and someone who believes, above all else, in the welfare of the working class. This is a family trait, no doubt, as he come from a highly respected clann of steadfast republicans who have suffered a lot on behalf of our people, during his own lifetime, including the murder of own of their sons by loyalists while out earning a living for his wife and children.

Feargal is one of those who received all of his education through the medium of Irish, along with Aisling Ní Labhraí, who sits beside us here today. From nursery school to primary school through to secondary school and university, all through the medium of Irish, where he improved his Irish and wrote poetry and short stories in the language. Something that is revolutionary in its own right. He is, therefore, an intelligent man and this book comes as the result of his work as a PhD student. It is the first doctorate, to my knowledge, to be awarded to a past pupil of Coláiste Feirste and his family and the school are undoubtedly very proud of this fact.

I was involved myself in the foundation and development of Coláiste Feirste at the beginning more than twenty years ago. I knew some of the pupils in the early years and as the school grew and knew less and less of them and it wasn’t until his last year in the school that I remember seeing Feargal.

When Tony Blair came to power, he sent over a guy called John McFaul as Minister for Education and he wasn’t long in the job when he asked to visit Coláiste Feirste and it fell on my lap, in the company of the school principal Fergus Ó hÍr to bring him around the school. At the end of his visit, he asked could he speak with the 7th years students and he asked did any of them have an interest in politics. One lad put his hand and when asked by McFall which political party he supported, the young lad said, ‘O I’m not fussed, ‘as long as it’s an anti-British party’. This took the wind out of McFaul’s sails who promptly left without saying a word!

It was Feargal Mac Ionnrachtaigh who silenced McFall, a man I would later get to know through his work with Forbairt Feirste. He is the chairperson of Glór na Móna, a group who promote the Irish language for the benefit of the community in the Upper Springfield. In one sense, Feargal and his group descend from another group of Gaels who did great work in the same area on behalf of the language over 40 years ago with the likes of Séan Mac Goill, Séamus De Napier, Ciarán Ó Catháin, Aonnraí Ó Catháin, Seán Mac Seáin and Donncha Ua Bruadair, except that they did it with a bloody war raging all around them.

In 1969, I happened to be working for Comhaltas Uladh and was asked to speak to as many people as possible in order to ascertain people’s views on the language. I spoke with a university graduate from France who was doing a PhD on the Gaelic League at the time, and I asked him why the Irish language interested him. He said that he wasn’t interested in the language but was studying the League as a social phenonomen that functioned amongst the ordinary people and changed their lives. He was interested in the social revolution being carried out by the League rather than the language per se. It was in the same year that Bombay Street was burned and it’s interesting that it was Irish speakers who went about its rebuilding and also created the Whiterock Industrial Estate with the stated aim of having an impact on the lives of ordinary people, just as the Gaelic League did when it was originally founded. Feargal and his group are of the same inclination and it’s no surprise that he chose the subject in this book at the theme of his doctorate.

I read somewhere recently that ‘”It’s the fools role to speak truth onto power” and if this is true then Feargal certainly is foolish, thank god, because this book speaks the truth to the powerful amongst us without a hint of hesitation. A copy of this book should be presented to every politician who speaks on our behalf, because it attempts to explain, in my view, why the ordinary communities around us haven’t benefited from whatever peace dividend that was supposed to emanate from the ending of the war, in which our people suffered so much.

Why, for example, is the unemployment rate twice as high in republican areas than it is in unionist areas despite thirteen years having passed since power-sharing began and 15 years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement?

Or why are more than 50% of teenagers without work? Or why is health inequality much higher in West Belfast than in any other area? Or why is infant mortality on the rise again? Or why is the housing waiting list in nationalist areas much than those of other areas?

Why is

the poverty rate of 43% amongst young children in West Belfast in comparison with 21% in the East of the city? Or why do 60% of families often struggle without sufficient food? Or why do 19% of families in the West of the city not have enough money to buy shoes for their children when they need them? Or why are 80% of families depending on money usurers to survive from week to week? And why can Peter Robinson boast of billions of pound invested in his own East Belfast constituency when all we can boast of are longer dole queues and the biggest heath centre in the city at Beechhall!

It’s a poor dividend, in my view, after 40 years of hardship and suffering during a war and that’s why only 38% of the West Belfast community voted in the last election.

Although this list of statistics could foster despair and hopelessness; I now understand, having read Feargal’s book that we are no exception in this country in terms of continuing hardship after the revolutionary phase and Feargal shows how a similar fate has befallen countries throughout the world, especially those that were colonised by the imperial forces of Europe. It is therefore, no surprise that Feargal focuses on the countries of Africa and the devastating impact that colonialism had on the continent whilst also including many references to African writers who wrote on this subject.

The South African state and our own state in the north are often compared to each other in terms of a history of civil and religious apartheid that people fought courageously against and suffered a lot in the process. Some of the political leaders here in the north boast of how close they are to the leaders of the new state in South Africa but I’m not no sure that this new state( as is the case with our own) is anything to be proud of.

We know that Steve Biko was the Bobby Sands of the South African revolution and that he was brutally murdered. He was undoubtedly a hero and a brave man but his wife, who fought bravely by his side, is now on record as saying that South Africa is corrupt state, whose

leaders have betrayed the values of the revolution in favour of wealth, power and financial profiteering, despite many of them having spent long periods in prison as ex-combatants in the liberation struggle. Biko’s wife has now embarked on forming her own political party to oppose the corruption of the ANC. She has the backing of Archbishop Tutu but will no doubt have a serious fight on her hands, with the seeds of corruption deeply embedded in South Africa society by this time.

What happened to the revolution in South Africa and to Bobby Sands’ revolution closer to home, that our people remain just as bad off as they ever were despite the revolutionaries being in power? Feargal explains in this book just how this happened. He describes in detail about the workings of neo-colonialism throughout the world and how it functions in countries during the post-revolutionary phase when the state assimilates and co-opts the insurgents into the new state in order to ensure the consolidation of colonial interests under a different leadership

Habitually, when the neo-colonists take control of the state apparatus, they fill its posts and committees with people who agree with them and they marginalise those people who are independent in their viewpoint. Freedom of speech is forbidden and those who don’t accept the ‘group-think’ of their masters are silenced. Resources are divided amongst the community through bribes and favours rather than being allocated on the basis of human rights or objective need. This is the seeds of corruption being sown and after a while, the community cannot function without surrendering to the system of currying favour with ‘friends in high places’ and adhering to a policy of ‘whatever you say, say nothing’ if they want to bring any project to fruition.

This is how silence is bought and at this point the entire political corpus of the community is corrupted and it takes a massive effort to shift this. It appears that this stage has been arrived at in South Africa but the question is have we arrived at this point in our home town? You can judge this for yourselves by looking around you. Are the specific traits of neo-colonialism visible amongst us? Are the majority of community organisations controlled by those who adhere to the establishment’s view of what is in the ‘interests’ of the people? Are the community’s resources being divvied out to people who are obedient to those who control the purse strings? Is this why, for example, that there isn’t mass action and protests regarding the chronic disadvantage amongst the West Belfast community, despite the greatest concentration of community groups being based here?

Are the traits of neo-colonialism so embedded amongst us that we are now so dependent on the establishment for funding and jobs that it becomes difficult to speak out in case we upset the establishment political parties? Or as one republican, who took a stand about the injustice imposed on young Gaels, was firmly told, “stop it your embarrassing the minister!!”

Is this why that Sinn Féin education ministers could refuse free travel to the children in a Gaelscoil despite a court order stating that this should be provided? Or does the republican minister support the decision of the Department of Education that it is acceptable, in this day and age, for children from Ardoyne to be told to walk down the Shankill Road to Coláiste Feirste, while being denied a bus pass?

Is this where we find ourselves at the minute and are we content to accept this? I don’t think that this was what Bobby Sands died for and Feargal’s book clarifies what takes place in this society we live in, especially for those of us who understand that something is fundamentally wrong but can’t articulate it!

In my opinion, the information and analysis that Feargal has provided us with in this book is a starting point. We need a complete change of direction, in my view, if our people are to realise their rights and there is no doubt that the noble corridors and marble halls of Stormont won’t lead us there. This book of Feargal’s can shine a light on how best to get us there if it is widely read. Buy the book and read it. It provides a basis for reflection.

Óráid Sheamuis Mhic Sheáin ag seoladh leabhair ‘Language, Revival and Resistance’ i rith Féile25

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An

tseachtain seo ionsaíodh beirt Ghaeil maithe de mo lucht aithneantais ar an bhaile seo. Máirtín Ó Muilleoir duine amháin acu agus údar an leabhair seo Feargal Mac Ionrachtaigh an duine eile. Ionsaíodh Máirtín go fisicúil ag dream aineolach, aintoisceach atá á ghríosú ag polaiteoirí biogóideacha agus ionsaíodh Feargal le drochíde béil ag pearsa mór le rá teilfíse a bhí i láthair nuair a thug Feargal caint ag imeacht de chuid Fhéile an phobail. D’ionsaigh an fear seo é go fíochmhar cionn as go raibh sé de dhánaíocht ag Feargal an dochar a rinne an cóilíneachas in Éirinn do chultúr agus teanga na cosmhuintire a sháinmhíniú don lucht éisteachta.

Bhí an fear seo ar buile go raibh Feargal ag léiriú taobh de imeallú agus basú na Gaeilge nach raibh ag teacht leis an dearcadh ” happy clappy” atá aige féin ar an teanga agus chuir sé i leith Feargal go raibh sé ag tarraingt na Gaeilge isteach sa pholaitíocht agus ag baint úsáid aistí mar úirlís cogaí. Is fear mór síochána é an fear céanna nach n-abródh ‘boo’ le duine ar bith dar leat ach a thaispeáin taobh eile dá charachtar nuair a bhuail sé le duine a bhí ag nochtú barúil nach raibh ag teacht lena dhearcadh féin.

Ach cé hé an Feargal Mac Ionnrachtaigh seo a tharraing fearg fhear na teilfíse air féin. Poblachtach ó thaobh na dtaobhán é agus fear a chreideann i leas na cosmhuintire thar aon ní eile. Is dual mhuintire dó a bheith mar sin nó daoine uaisle a ba iad a mhuintir agus poblachtaithe go smior a d’fhulaing a lán ar son na cosmhuintire lena linn féin agus ar maraíodh mac da gcuid go fabhtach ag dílseoirí agus é amuigh ag saothrú ar son bean agus páistí.

Is den dream sin é Feargal fosta a fuair iomlán a chuid oideachais frid mheán na Gaeilge, tá Aisling Ní Labhraí, atá in aice linn anseo, ar dhuine eile acu chomh maith. Ó Naíscoil go Bunscoil go meánscoil agus go hOllscoil, uilig fríd mheán na Gaeilge, áit ar chuir sé barr feabhais ar a chuid Gaeilge agus áit ar scríobh sé filíocht agus gearrscéalta sa teanga. Sin réabhlóid ann féin. Mar sin, is fear éirimiúil é agus tagann an leabhar seo mar thoradh a chuid oibre mar mhac léinn PHD. Is í an chéad dochtúireacht í a bronnadh ar iardhalta de chuid Choláiste Feirste ar feadh mo eolais agus tá mé cinnte go bhfuil a mhuintir agus an scoil araon bródúil as.

Bhí baint agam le bunú agus forbairt Choláiste Feirste ag tús a ré breis agus fíche bliain ó shin. Bhíodh aithne éigin agam ar chuid dena daltaí a tháinig isteach sa chéad chúpla bliain ach de réir mar a d’fhás an scoil ní bhíodh aithne ró mhór agam orthu agus ní go dtí a bhliain dheireannach sa scoil gur cuimhin liom Feargal a fheiceáil.

Nuair a tháinig Tony Blair i gcumhacht chuir sé fear darb ainm John Mc Faul, a bhí mar Aire Oideachais, chugainn abhus agus ní raibh sé i bhfád sa phost nuair a d’iarr sé a theacht ar chuairt chuig Meánscoil Feirste agus thit sé ar mo chrannsa i gcuideachta an phríomhoide Feargus Ó hÍr é a thionlacán thart ar an scoil. Ag deireadh a chuarta, d’iarr sé labhairt leis an tséú bhliain agus d’fhiafraigh sé daofa an raibh suim ag duine ar bith acu sa pholaitíocht. Chuir gasúr amháin a lámh in airde agus d’fhiafraigh mo dhuine do cad é an páirtí a dtabharfadh sé tacaíocht do. “O I ‘m not fussed ” arsa an gasúr “as long as its an anti- Brit party” a bhain sin siar as McFaul agus dimigh sé gan focal as.

Ba é Feargál Mac Ionrachtaigh an gasúr sin a chuir McFaul ina thost agus an té ar chuir mé aithne air ar ball agus é ag obair le Forbairt Feirste. Tá sé ina chathaoirleach ar Ghlór na móna, grúpa atá ag iarraidh an Ghaeilge a chur chun tosaigh agus leas an phobail a dhéanamh san am chéanna san Uachtar Cluanaí. Ar bhealach, tá Feargal agus a ghrúpa ina gcómharbaí ar ghrúpa eile de Ghaeil a rinne sárobair sa cheantar chéanna ar son na Gaeilge agus ar son leas an phobail breis agus daichead bliain ó shin mar a bhí Séan Mac Goill, Séamus De Napier, Ciarán Ó Catháin, Aonnraí Ó Catháin, Seán Mac Seáin agus Donncha Ua Bruadair ach go ndearna siadsan é le linn cogadh fuilteach a bheith ag dul ar aghaidh.

I 1969, tharla mé ag obair ag Comhaltas Uladh abhus agus hiarradh orm labhairt le hoiread daoine agus b’fhéidir le dearcadh daoine a fháil ar chur chun cinn na Gaeilge i measc an gnáth mhuintir.. Labhair mé le céimí Ollscoile as an Fhrainc a bhí ag déanamh PHD ar Chonradh na Gaeilge ag an am ach nuair a d’fhiafraigh mé de cad chuige a raibh suim aige sa teanga. Dúirt sé nach raibh suim ar bith aige sa teanga ach go raibh sé ag déanamh staidéar ar an Chonradh mar feiniméin sóisialta a bhí ag obair i measc an phobail choitianta chun féachaint lena saol a athrú.

Bhí suim aige sa réabhlóid sóisíalta a bhí ar bun ag an chonradh agus ní sa teanga per se. Ba sa bhliain chéanna sin a dódh Bombay Street agus is suimiúl gur Ghaeil a ba iad na daoine a chuaigh i mbun na haththógala agus a chruthaigh éastát Tionsclaíoch na Carraige Báine d’aon ghnó le leas an phobail a dhéanamh go díreach mar a rinne Conradh na Gaeilge ag an tús. Is den mhúnla chéanna sin é Feargal agus a ghrúpa ceapaim agus ní iontas ar bith é mar sin gur roghnaigh sé abhar an leabhair seo mar théama a dhochtúireachta.

“It’s the fools role to speak truth onto power” a leigh mé áit éigin ar na mallaibh agus má’s ea is seoirt amadán é Feargal a bhuí le Dia nó insíonn an leabhar seo an fhírinne do lucht cumhachta inár measc gan fiacail a chur ann. Ba cheart cóip den leabhar seo a bhronnadh ar gach polaiteoir a labhraíonn ar ár son, nó tugann sé iarraidh, dar liom, a mhíniú cén fath nach bhfuil an chosmhuintir abhus ag baint tairbhe as cibé díbhínn síochána a ba cheart a bheith ann de bharr deireadh a bheith leis an chogadh ar fhulaing siad an oiread sin mar gheall air.

Cén fáth, mar shampla, a bhfuil an ráta dífhostaíochta dhá oiread níos mó go fóill sna ceantair phoblachtacha agus atá sé sna ceantair Aontachtacha ainneoin comhrannadh cumhachta a bheith i ann le 13 bliain agus 15 bliana déag i ndiaidh chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta?

Nó cén fáth a bhfuil breis agus 50% de dhéagóirí gan obair? Nó cén fáth a bhfuil an ráta drochshláinte i bhfád níos airde in Iarthar Bhéal Feirste ná i gceantar ar bith eile? Nó cén fáth a bhfuil bás leanaí i ndiaidh á mbreithe ag ardú arís? Agus cén fath a bhfuil liosta i bhfad níos faide de dhaoine abhus anseo atá ag fanacht le teach a bheith acu ná i gceantar ar bith eile ?

Cén fáth a bhfuil ráta bochtaineachta de 43% i measc páistí óga in Iarthar na Cathrach i gcomórtas le 21% in Oirthear na cathrach? Nó cad chuige a mbíonn 60% de theaghlaigh gann ar bhia go minic? Nó cén fáth nach mbíonn go leor airgid ag 19% de theaghlaigh Iarthar na cathrach chun bróga a cheannacht dá bpáistí nuair atá siad de dhíth?

Nó cén fáth go bhfuil 80% de theaghlaigh beo ar úsairí airgid le maireachtáil ó sheachtain go seachtain? Agus cén fáth gur féidir le Peter Robinson a bheith ag maíomh as na Billiúin punt atá infhéistithe ina dháilcheantar féin in Oirthear Bhéal Feirste ach nach bhfuil le maíomh as againn féin abhus ach scuainí Dól nua ollmhór agus an t-ionad sláinte is mó sa chathair ag Beechhall.

Is bocht an díbhínn é sin dar liom ar son 40 bliain de chruatán agus de fhulaingt le linn cogaíochta agus an sin an fath nár chaith ach 38% de mhuintir Iarthar na cathrach an vota sa toghchán dheireannach a bhí abhus.

D’fhéadfadh an liodán sin de staitisticí gruaim agus éadóchas a chur ort ach i ndiaidh domh an leabhar seo de chuid Fheargail a léamh tuigim nach aon éisceacht sinne sa tír seo i dtaca le drochshaoil na cosmhuintire de i ndiaidh réabhlóide agus léiríonn Feargal gur tharla a mhacasamhail fud fad an domhain agus go háirithe sna tíortha sin ar ndearnadh coiliniú orthu ag fórsaí impiriúlacha na hEorpa. Ní haon iontas mar sin go ndíríonn Feargal ar thíortha na hAifrice agus ar an lorg a d’fhág an coilineachas orthu sin agus tá go leor tagairtí sa leabhar do scríbhneoirí Aifriceacha a scríobh faoin ábhar.

Is minic a chuirtear an Aifric Theas agus an Stát seo againne ó thuaidh i gcomparáid le chéile ó thaobh chinedheighilt agus chreideamhdheighilt de agus throid daoine go cróga ina choinne agus d’fhulaing daoine a lán mar gheall air. Bíonn ceannairí polaitíochta abhus ag maíomh go minic as chomh cóngarach agus atá siad do cheannairí an stáit nua san Aifric Theas ach

níl a fhios agam an abhar maíte é stát nua na hAifice Theas ach oiread lenár gceann féin.

Tá a fhios againn gurbh é Bobby Sands na Réabhlóide san Aifric Theas é Steve Biko agus gur mharaigh an Stát cinedheighlteach go brúidiúil é. Laoch agus fear cróga gan amhras ach féach anois a bhean a throid go cróga ina chuideachta, ag rá gur stát coirpeach é an Aifric Theas a bhfuil an réabhlóid truaillithe ag a cheannairí agus an saibhreas, an cúbláil airgid agus an chumhacht ina bpríomh spriocanna acu cé gur iarthrodairí ar son na saoirse is ea iad cuid mhór acu a chaith sealanna fada i bpriosúin. Tá bean Bhiko anois i mbun pháirtí nua a bhunú le cur i gcoinne an ANC agus an choirpeacht a ghabhann leis. Tá tacaíocht an Easpaig Tutu aicí san iarracht sin ach beidh troid aicí nó tá préamhacha na coirpeachta sáite go domhan i sochaí na hAifrice Theas faoin am seo.

Cad é a tharla mar sin do réabhlóid na hAifrice Theas agus do réabhlóid Bhobby Sands abhus go bhfuil an chosmhuintir chomh holc as agus a bhí siad ariamh ainneoin lucht na réabhlóide a bheith i gcumhacht? Tá míniú ag Feargal sa

leabhar seo ceapaim ar cad é a tharla. Tá sain chur síos déanta aige ar oibríochtaí an nuachólíneachais fríd an domhan agus an dóigh a n-oibríonn an nua cóilíneachas i dtíortha i ndiaidh réabhlóide agus an dóigh a ndéanann an stát na réibiliúnaithe a chomhshamhlú leis an stát nua le go leanfaidh an chóilíneachas ar aghaidh ach é faoi cheannas eile.

Go hiondúil, nuair a thógann na nuachóilinigh smacht ar chóras an stáit, líonann siad postanna agus coistí le daoine atá ar aon intinn leo féin agus déanann siad imeallú ar dhaoine atá neamhspleách ina ndearcadh. Cosctar saoirse chainte agus cuirtear béalbhac ar dhaoine nach nglacann le grúpa smaoínimh na máistrí. Is le fabhar agus le breabanna go minic a ranntar achmhainní ar an phobal seachas de réir cearta nó riachtanais. Sin tús na coirpeachta agus i ndiaidh tamall glactar leis mar nós nó ní féidir leis an phobal feidhmiú gan géilleadh do chóras an ‘chara sa chúirt’ agus an ‘binn béal ina thost’ má tá siad ag iarraidh rud éigin a chur i gcrích.

Is ar an dóigh sin a cheannaítear tost agus ag an phointe sin tá corpus iomlán polaitíochta an phobail truaillithe agus glacann sé iarracht ollmhór lena bhogadh. Tá an pointe sin sroichte sa Aifric theas de réir cosúlachta ach is í an cheist atá ann an bhfuil sé sroichte againn go fóill inár mbaile dhúchais? Thig libh féin tomhas a dhéanamh ar sin ach sibh breathnú thart oraibh. An bhfuil sainchomharthaí an nua chóilíneachais le sonrú inár measc? An bhfuil na grúpaí pobail den chuid is mó i seilbh daoine atá ar aon fhocal leis an bhunaíocht ó thaobh leas an phobail de? An bhfuil achmhanní an phobail a rannadh orthu sin atá umhal do na daoine a bhfuil téada an sparáin acu? An sin an fáth nach bhfuil ruaille buaille agus agóidíocht ar bun faoin droch dhóigh atá ar an chosmhuintir in Iarthar Bhéal Feirste, mar shampla, ainneoin an líon is mó grúpaí pobail sa chathair a bheith lonnaithe ansin?

An bhfuil sáintréithe an nua chóilíneachas chomh bunaithe sin anois inár measc go bhfuil gach duine spleách ar a bhunaíocht ar son airgid agus postanna agus go mbíonn sé deacair labhairt amach ar eagla míshásamh a chur ar pháirtithe na bunaíochta? Nó mar a dúradh le poblachtóir amháin a ghlac seasamh faoi éagóir a bhí á dhéanamh ar Ghaeil óga “stop it your embarrasing the minister!!”

An sin an fáth a dtiocfadh le hAirí de chuid Shinn Féin cearta saor thaistil a dhiúltú do pháistí Gaelscoile ainneoin ordú cúirte a bheith ann gur cheart a chur ar fáil?? Nó go dtacaíonn Aire poblachtach le cinneadh na roinne oideachais go bhfuil sé inglactha an lá atá inniú ann go mbeadh ar pháistí Ard Eoin siúil síos Bóthar na Seanchille go Coláiste Feirste agus nach bhfuil siad i dtéidil bus pás a bheith acu?

An sin an áit a bhfuil muid anois agus an bhfuil muid sásta glacadh leis? Ní shílim gur ar a shon sin a fuair Bobby Sands bás agus d’fhéadfadh leabhar seo Fheargail soiléiriú a dhéanamh ar caidé atá ag titim amach sa tsochaí ina maireann muid agus go háirithe don chuid againn a thuigeann go bhfuil rud éigin mí cheart ach nach dtig linn focail a chur air?

Is tús tuisceana- é an teolas agus tá sin curtha ar fáil ag Feargal I mo thuairim. Tá athrú iomlán poirt de dhith i mo thuairim má tá an chosmhuintir lena gcearta a bhaint amach ach monuar ní an ascaill mhaorga go hallaí marmair Stormont atá an bealach chuige. D’fhéadfadh leabhar seo Fheargail solas a dhíriú ar an bhealach chuige ach é a bheith léite go forleathán. Ceannaigh an leabhar agus léigh é. Tá abhar machnaimh ann.

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